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India Insider: Agriculture Still Traps Nation’s Workforce

India Insider: Agriculture Still Traps Nation's Workforce

A Field Survey in South India’s Agricultural Towns

India’s growth story is usually told through noteworthy headline numbers. Yet beneath these aggregates lies a persistent imbalance, agriculture continues to employ a large share of the workforce, while contributing a much smaller share of output. This gap shapes income stability, consumption patterns, and the complicated experience of growth across much of the country for many people.

This essay uses field observations comparing two major agricultural towns in Tamil Nadu State in India, Tiruvannamalai and Kallakurichi. After analyzing their respective data and examining how this imbalance plays out on the ground, I offer my perspective.

Typical Agricultural Field in Southern India

Tiruvannamalai: Growth Without Employment Transformation

In Tiruvannamalai district, I visited several areas where housing conditions were poor and informal settlements were widespread. I have visited many households here since 2023. These conditions are now changing, but not in a way that fundamentally transforms employment.

Capital inflows from the neighboring State of Andhra Pradesh have fueled a real estate boom and expanded services such as lodging, restaurants, and transport. While this has altered the physical landscape and raised asset values, it has not created stable non-farm jobs at scale. Employment remains largely informal, seasonal, and low-paid, leaving the underlying agricultural labor trap intact.

Although Tiruvannamalai exhibits a relatively high services share in district GDP, the income generated by this sector accrues from a narrow group of asset owners, intermediaries, and rent-seekers. As a result, per capita income figures overstate the extent of broad-based welfare. A large share of the workforce remains engaged in low-wage service activities with limited income security.

Kallakurichi: Agricultural Dependence, Weaker Services

In Kallakurichi district, the structural imbalance is even more pronounced. Agriculture accounts for a noticeably larger share of district GDP than in Tiruvannamalai, while the services share is correspondingly lower. District level GDDP and sectoral composition data from the Department of Economics and Statistics, Government of Tamil Nadu (2022–23 provisional, current prices), show that agriculture contributes roughly one-fifth of district output, even as a disproportionately large share of the workforce continues to depend on this type of work for income.

This high dependence on agriculture results in extremely low output per worker, widespread disguised unemployment, and chronically weak incomes. Growth exists, but it is concentrated in activities that do not absorb labor effectively.

Gross Domestic District Product Comparison of Agriculture versus Non-Agriculture

Core Problem: Growth Composition, Not Growth Absence

The core structural problem in districts like Tiruvannamalai and Kallakurichi is therefore not the absence of growth, but its composition. Too many workers remain tied to a sector that generates relatively little value. Services and industry have expanded, but not in a manner that absorbs surplus rural labor at scale.

As long as labor remains trapped in low productivity farming, while non-farm sectors fail to provide stable employment opportunities, headline income measures will continue to overstate actual welfare.

Consumption Consequences of Agricultural Dependence

This imbalance has direct consequences for consumption. Towns that depend heavily on agriculture tend to exhibit weak and uneven consumption patterns. Farm incomes are inherently volatile, driven by fluctuations in commodity prices, weather conditions, and market access. In many cases, farmers are forced to sell produce at a discount, incur outright losses, or delay sales under distressing conditions. Only intermittently do they realize meaningful profits.

Chart Comparing Towns of Tiruvannamalai and Kallakurichi in Tamil Nadu

This volatility translates into cautious spending behavior. Consumption rises in short bursts following a good season, but thereafter contracts sharply. This pattern is clearly visible in districts such as Tiruvannamalai and Kallakurichi, where agricultural dependence suppresses steady consumption despite occasional income windfalls.

The same dynamic is visible at State level. Across Tamil Nadu, agriculture employs over 40 percent of the labor force, while contributing a far smaller share of output. The statistics exhibited at the district level are therefore not an isolated phenomenon, but a systemic one.

National Structural Imbalance

Zooming out further, what is visible in Tiruvannamalai and Kallakurichi mirrors India’s broader structural imbalance. Nationally, agriculture employs close to half the workforce, but contributes less than a fifth of GDP. This gap suppresses incomes, weakens consumption, and reflects India’s limited success in industrializing at scale.

India Agriculture as Percent of GDP from 1990s into 2020s

Services have grown rapidly, but they remain reliant on capital and skill intensive, and unable to absorb surplus rural labor in large numbers. As a result, economic growth continues without broad based prosperity. Headline GDP numbers improve, but the underlying structure remains fragile.

India’s central economic scrouge is growth without labor mobility. Until workers move out of low productivity agriculture jobs and into stable non-farm employment at scale, income volatility and weak consumption will remain defining features of the economy. Regardless of how strong the headline growth numbers appear, a national challenge remains.

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India Insider: Strategic Memory and Why Unilateral Power is Resisted

India Insider: Strategic Memory and Why Unilateral Power is Resisted

After Independence, India was often described as “tilting” toward the Soviet Union. In reality, this was the outcome of India’s pursuit of Non-Alignment at a time when the United States was actively backing perceived rogue actors in South Asia, most notably Pakistan. What appeared as ideological preference was, in fact, strategic necessity born of hard experience.

The Soviet Union supported India on core security concerns when few others would. The first major Soviet defense deal was not merely a weapons sale. It included licensed production in India through Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, full technology transfer, and made India the first non-Communist country to receive the MiG-21. This distinction mattered. India was treated as a sovereign partner capable of absorbing technology, not as a dependent client expected to align unquestioningly.

By contrast, Washington’s alignment with Pakistan was driven by Cold War geopolitics rather than South Asian stability. Despite repeated military coups, wars with India, and regional destabilization, the United States armed Pakistan, provided diplomatic cover during conflicts, and sustained the relationship through military rule and nuclear proliferation. These experiences deeply shaped India’s strategic culture and explain its enduring emphasis on autonomy, redundancy, and diversified partnerships rather than alliance dependency.

This history is one of the central reasons India resists Washington dictating regional dynamics. South Asia, in New Delhi’s view, is not a chessboard for external powers to reorder at will.

Democratic Republic of the Congo Example

The same pattern is visible beyond Asia. Take the Democratic Republic of Congo. After decades of horrific colonial exploitation, the Belgians realized by the mid-20th century that they could not hold on indefinitely and exited abruptly, having never prepared the country for self-rule. What they left behind was not independence, but a political vacuum. The United States and the United Nations intervened, but their actions were shaped less by concern for Congolese society than by geopolitical rivalry, ideological competition, and racial hierarchy.

The assassination of Patrice Lumumba destroyed the Republic of the Congo’s (as it was known then) only credible attempt at building a unified nationalist state at independence. The dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko that followed did not merely fail to develop institutions; it actively hollowed them out. Corruption became a governing principle, loyalty replaced competence, and the state turned into a vehicle for extraction. Today’s instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is not a governance failure in isolation—it is the predictable outcome of a political system designed to rule without building state capacity. For countries like India, this is not ancient history, it is a warning.

Washington’s unilateralism reinforces this mistrust:

The recent military operation to remove Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro without U.S Congress authorization, international legal justification, or an imminent threat would have been unthinkable as recently as the first Trump administration. It became possible in 2026 only because of congressional capitulation, judicial immunity, and the transformation of an apolitical defense establishment into a politicized instrument of executive power. To much of the world, this signals that restraint is no longer embedded in American decision making.

Europe exposes another contradiction. The post war order was built on liberal democracy and collective security through NATO. When that order is weakened by unilateral action, trust erodes, even among allies expected to align automatically.

Even before Trump, the U.S – India relationship remained cordial rather than fully strategic. Before 9/11, India was the most natural regional ally against Al-Qaeda, yet Washington lacked patience and local understanding to navigate India’s complex democracy and nationalism. That failure was not tactical, it was conceptual.

India’s neutrality today is deliberate:

It prioritizes diplomacy over military actions that violate international law. India sees a multipolar world emerging, not as disorder, but as the end of unchecked unilateral supremacy. This is not ambiguity. It is a strategic memory.

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India Insider: Growth Without Development an Inequality Trap

India Insider: Growth Without Development an Inequality Trap

An India and Latin America Comparison

India’s strong headline growth reflects a rapid expansion of aggregate output. Yet this growth often coexists with weak job creation, uneven human capital formation, and persistent inequality. This coexistence is not a temporary anomaly. It reflects a deeper political & economic structure in which inequality itself constrains development, rather than merely emerging as a byproduct of slow growth.

This mechanism is similar to Latin America. In unequal political economies, rising income concentration encourages elites to exit from public systems like education, healthcare, transport, and social insurance. Once affluent groups no longer depend on public provision, political incentives to strengthen these systems weaken fiscal capacity erodes, public services deteriorate, and inequality becomes self-reinforcing.

Latin America’s experience illustrates this dynamic clearly. Despite periods of high growth driven by industrialization, commodity booms, or financial liberalization, many countries failed to build universal public systems. Elites relied on private schools, private healthcare, and offshore financial arrangements, while the majority depended on chronically underfunded public institutions. The result was a narrow tax base, weak state capacity, and growth that was volatile and socially shallow.

Figure concept adapted from book, “The cost of Inequality in Latin America” by Diego Sanchez-Ancochea

India increasingly shows signs of a similar trajectory. Public spending on health remains around 1.2 – 1.4 percent of GDP. Government expenditures on education is around 3 percent of GDP, which is low not just by OECD standards, but comparative to many middle income Latin American economies. Out of pocket healthcare costs account for roughly 45 – 50 percent of total health spending in India, among the highest shares globally. These figures point to a systematic private substitution over public provisions, a hallmark of elite exit.

Implications of Elite Leaving Public Systems

Withdrawal from public systems has direct implications for growth quality. When education and healthcare remain uneven, the diffusion of skills and productivity across the workforce is limited. Growth then concentrates in capital intensive or skill intensive enclaves, while large segments of the labor force remain trapped in low productivity informal employment. India’s employment elasticity of growth has remained structurally low, estimated at below 0.2 in recent decades, meaning that even high output growth generates relatively few jobs.

This structural weakness is reinforced by the nature of Indian capitalism. Like much of Latin America, India’s growth model rewards scale, access, and regulatory navigation more than technological risk taking. Firms that can manage land acquisition, compliance complexity, market concentration, and political connections earn higher returns than those that invest in frontier innovation. Private investment in research and development remains modest: total R&D spending in India is around 0.6 – 0.7 percent of GDP, with a particularly weak contribution from the private sector. By contrast, East Asian economies that achieved solid employment growth invested 2.0 – 4.0 percent of GDP in R&D during their catch up phases.

This outcome produces poor job growth and entrenched dual labor markets, which is also another Latin American hallmark. A relatively small formal sector benefits from capital strengthening and productivity gains, but the majority of workers remain in informal employment with stagnant wages and weak social protection. Gradually this weakens domestic demand and increases reliance on credit, exports, or asset inflation to sustain growth. Latin America’s history also shows that such growth patterns are inherently fragile.

India Vulnerability and Structural Risks

Narrow tax bases limit counter-cyclical policies. High inequality constrains mass consumption. Credit expansion often substitutes for income growth, increasing financial vulnerability. India has thus far avoided repeated balance of payments or sovereign debt crises, but the underlying structural risks look similar to Latin America. Growth looks strong on paper, yet remains vulnerable to shocks and has been slow to translate into broad based societal gains.

India differs from economies that have escaped their inequality traps, like East Asia and Northern Europe, because of poor development sequencing. These successful regional giants expanded universal public education, healthcare, and social insurance early, before inequality became politically entrenched. Elite dependence on public systems sustained fiscal capacity and productivity diffusion, allowing growth to create gainful employment.

India’s Social and Economic Dualism

India’s economic liberalization grew before consolidating universal public provisions. As growth has accelerated, inequality has widened and the exit of elites has deepened from public centers. An opportunity to create inclusive institutions during this early growth phase is missing for parts of the society.

The implication is clear. High growth alone does not guarantee development. When inequality weakens public systems and limits fiscal capacity, this discourages technological risk taking and produces inadequate job growth. Output expansion becomes narrow and periodically fragile. Latin America’s experience is a warning. Without building strong public institutions and reshaping incentives toward broad based innovation, India risks portraying impressive headline growth while vast disparity persists.

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U.S National Security, Part 2: Regional Alliances – Europe

U.S National Security, Part 2: Regional Alliances - Europe

Opinion: The following article is commentary and its views are solely those of the author. This article was first published the 25th of December via The Angry Demagogue.

As we continue our tour of the administration’s National Security Strategy we will stay with “part III: What Are America’s Available Means to Get What We Want?” and move to the sixth bullet point: “A broad network of alliances, with treaty allies and partners in the world’s most strategically important regions” and work through the important regions that the strategy documents – Asia, Europe, the Mideast and Africa. For good or for bad we will need to split these regions up since the key point is forming coalitions that can handle their actual region. Sweden can’t be part of a coalition to protect Italy’s interests in the Mediterranean and Japan won’t be protecting Singapore.

Some U.S allied countries, like Australia, Israel and India will be involved in multiple regions helping lead alliances in all areas important to them. With that in mind we will point out the first mistake of the discussion on regions and that is Europe. We will suggest something here that would not usually come from the mouth of a hawk and pessimist and that is that NATO has no real mission and needs to be replaced by a series of alliances that make more sense. While the fear during the Cold War was a Warsaw Pact ground invasion into Germany and beyond which would have required the totality of American and European forces, Europe now is facing a Russia that could not conquer Ukraine in nearly four years of war. That is not to say that Russia is not to be feared only that each part of Europe needs to ally to face a Russian onslaught in its own theatre.

Italy is not going to send troops to Sweden to prevent an attack and Norway won’t be helping Greece in any fight. Turkey is a country that other NATO countries fear more than trust, especially regarding Russia.

In short, NATO needs to be broken up into different alliances where each country will be allied with countries whose fall would affect its national security. The United States can either be a signatory to these alliances or it can decide how involved it wants to get in any conflagration depending on its own interests at that time. It can decide to position ground troops in the countries, supply air cover or, as in the 12-day war between Israel and Iran, help with missile defense and in providing the final blow with weapons only America has. Or – it can decide that it will never participate. One hopes that that won’t happen, but each alliance will need to be ready to fight on its own.

We can include France and the U.K as large countries with advanced armed forces as allies to all of these alliances. France certainly can contribute air power to each of the alliances that are faced against Russia. As for the U.K, it is difficult to know where that country is going but its navy and air force are still powerful.

Today we will deal with north, central and western Europe.

The Baltic Alliance

This would be an alliance that includes Poland, Germany, Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and would provide cover for land, air and naval battles. Each of these countries, with the exception of Germany, has a border with Russia and all are on the Baltic Sea – a key waterway for them and for Russia.

An alliance of these countries would force them to concentrate on those areas necessary for their defense. An incursion, for example into Finland would force Poland to mass forces on its border with Russia and Belarus (Poland borders Russia in Kaliningrad which is separated from Russia proper by Lithuania) and Germany to move forces to Poland. All countries could also contribute ground forces to Finland as well as naval and air power.

The only thing missing is the lack of a nuclear umbrella. That is no small issue but can be dealt with by support or threats from France or the U.K.

The Atlantic Alliance

Aside from helping the Baltic Alliance, France and the U.K will have major responsibility along with the Netherlands for patrolling the North Atlantic and, with help from Portugal, and Spain the South Atlantic. As the Atlantic Ocean can be considered one of America’s seas, this alliance will need to have the close cooperation if not outright membership of the United States. Canada too, will need to be part of this alliance. We can include the increasingly important Arctic Ocean into this alliance’s responsibilities.

As we move towards the south Atlantic countries such as Morocco, can be included as well as other western African allies of the west. An alliance like that could encourage western African countries to abandon close security and economic ties with China and Russia. The “border” of this alliance would be that squiggly line in the middle of the Atlantic that separates the Eastern and Western hemispheres.

The Central European Alliance

We can look at the smaller central European countries that formed the heart of what was the Hapsburg Empire but are not front line countries bordering Russia – Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Austria, Serbia and Bulgaria – and we have an alliance that, backed by Germany, Poland and the United States, would create a further deterrence to Russian encroachment into Europe proper.

Where, do you ask does Ukraine fall in this European alliance structure? That answer will have to come from the major European powers in concert with the United States. Adding Ukraine to the Baltic alliance might be viewed as another attempt to NATO-ize them by the Russians. However, attaching them to the less threatening Central European Alliance of smaller countries might be the excuse and “victory” that Putin would need to end the war. But we are getting ahead of ourselves here. Ukraine is a problem that can only be solved if the West decides to actively join the fight against Russia (unlikely) or when Putin and Russia get tired of the fight and look for a way out that could allow them to claim victory (more likely than the former, but sadly, a long way off).

The Administration’s concentration on regions and how certain countries can become leaders in support of western and American interests is correct – but the breakdown of the regions has to go beyond the post WWII world. The place of America in the post-cold war world, with a China that wants to challenge America’s economic and military interests and leadership needs to break down old alliances into more manageable and logical pieces.

The wild card in all of this is, of course, the will of the European powers to take their own defense seriously. The Baltic Alliance we spoke about seems to be filled with countries that understand the threat from Russia, but do they recognize the threat to them from the alignment, the Axis if you will, of Russia, Iran, North Korea and China? And of more importance have they yet come to understand the threat to their countries, as they know them, from open immigration and from their own abhorrence of families? The former is something only the governments can handle, the latter though, must come from the people themselves.

A whole generation (or two in many instances) of Europeans have grown up not only as “only children” but in families that have no aunts and no uncles, no cousins and only very elderly grandparents, if that. They have grown up in other words without families. Will the young generation see the importance of families to themselves and their countries or will they continue the nihilistic lives that they parents have “sanctified”? Religious institutions, too will have a major role in this challenge. No amount of “parental leave” and childcare subsidies will convince the young to marry and have children – will only come from a change in the culture. Is Europe up to it?

Disclaimer: the views expressed in this opinion article are solely those of the author, and not necessarily the opinions reflected by angrymetatraders.com or its associated parties.

You can follow Ira Slomowitz via The Angry Demagogue on Substack https://iraslomowitz.substack.com/ 

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U.S National Security: USD Reserve Currency Importance

U.S National Security: USD Reserve Currency Importance

Opinion: The following article is commentary and its views are solely those of the author. This article was first published the 23rd of December via The Angry Demagogue.

We would like to start going through the U.S administration’s National Security Strategy released last month. There is a lot in there – much of it the same as in past administrations and much of it different. The tone of course is full Trump and while the introductory parts try to make it into a revolutionary document it does in fact build upon much of what has been American foreign policy for decades. One thing it most certainly gets right is that American foreign policy since the end of the Cold War has not found its compass. From a unitary world to one dependent upon global organizations, from a sharing of goals with western Europe to a pivot to Asia, from the war on terror and the middle east to Russia-Ukraine, the United States has struggled to find its way in the post-Cold War world.

We however will concentrate today on one aspect of the strategy, the third bullet in part III – “What Are America’s Available Means to Get What We Want?”. The third bullet point speaks of America having “The world’s leading financial system and capital markets, including the Dollar’s global reserve currency status” – a point that no one with any knowledge of global capital markets can not accept. The end of the bullet point – the Dollar’s global reserve currency status – is the most important because it underscores America’s leadership and essentially allows the United States of America to finance its military and its welfare state. The U.S Dollar as the “reserve currency” means that nearly all the world’s goods are quoted and therefore sold in Dollars.

Why is that important to the United States? Because the U.S government depends on its ability to issue Treasury bonds and bills at will – something no other government can do. It can do this because for another country to buy oil or copper or titanium or corn or soybeans from a country that is not their own– they need access to Dollars. Saudi Arabia and the other gulf states quote the price of oil in U.S Dollars and demand payment in U.S Dollars. The Saudis can deposit those Dollars in American banks or in what is called Eurodollar deposits in foreign banks (there are some 13 trillion Dollars in Eurodollar accounts globally). The Eurodollar accounts are essentially promises by the bank to give U.S Dollars to the holder when he makes a withdrawal. This strengthens the U.S capital markets and allows investors to have better and more investment choices. It is not only America’s often superior companies that bring profits to 401k’s and pension funds but the liquidity and vastness of America’s capital markets that can list domestic and foreign corporations. The reserve currency leading to the advanced capital markets allows the world – and America – to do this.

The U.S Treasury market is so liquid because every country needs Dollars in order to trade. They need to have enough dollar reserves since no one actually wants their own currency. In Israel, for example, local gas companies cannot buy oil with Israeli Shekels, since what will Azerbaijan, for example, do with them? There are only so many products that Israel can sell them. They need Dollars so that they are free to buy other commodities or other products.

The U.S Dollar as a reserve currency also is a break on inflation since the price of oil and other commodities is always in U.S Dollars. A weak or strong U.S Dollar influences the inflation rate in non-USD countries. A weak Israeli Shekel, South African Rand or Chinese Yuan does not influence the price of gasoline in the United States.

In short – as the Trump Administration understands well, the dollar as a reserve currency is a luxury the U.S cannot give up. The lack of the USD as a reserve currency could cause the Dollar to collapse and along with it the price of U.S Treasuries. As UST prices drop, their yields will rise and the cost of financing the U.S government will make interest payments on debt to rise well beyond its already absurd figure of over 4% of GDP – while debt itself is 120% of GDP. The U.S government currently pays over $1 trillion in debt service (interest payments on its bonds and bills). By contrast, the U.S defense budget for 2024 was $836 billion (about 3.3% of GDP).

We need to ask ourselves what can challenge the USD as the reserve currency and what could happen that would encourage the world to change? While the E.U had dreams of making the Euro an alternative reserve currency, the lack of growth in the E.U’s economy and population have put that dream to rest. The only other country that could theoretically replace the United States as the global economic go to country could be China. While in the long run, China’s lack of openness would probably mean that the Yuan would not last long as the reserve currency, that does not mean that they couldn’t jolt the global economy just enough to force it to use the Yuan to buy oil and other commodities.

China is already cornering the market on rare earth minerals and it making inroads in Africa where it mines all sorts of commodities from gold to copper to platinum and so many others (Africa has about 30% of global mineral reserves). That in itself is not enough to rock the global markets and cause a change in how the world does business.

Oil though, is that one thing that could allow China to challenge the USD as the reserve currency, even if it just presents the Yuan as an alternative.

How could that happen?

A Chinese takeover of Taiwan, by whatever means it uses would give the Chinese Communist Party control not only of the South China Sea but also allow its noisier and inferior (to America’s) submarine fleet to enter the Pacific and patrol it freely. The Chinese Navy, with a base on the “other” side of Taiwan would give it control of the north-south sea lanes that Japan and South Korea are dependent upon. Essentially, Chinese control of Taiwan would put Japan, South Korea, Vietnam and the Philippines at the mercy of the Chinese Navy. China could blockade these countries but that would be an act of war and then involve the navies of those countries and possibly the United States. It would affect the global economy negatively but it would not cause a change in world’s reserve currency. But, what if China works out a deal with Saudi Arabia to quote and sell their oil in Yuan (or the Chinese Petro-Yuan it wants to create) and then tells these countries, especially industrial powerhouses and energy poor Japan and South Korea that it will allow the passage of oil as long as they purchase the oil in Yuan?

Russia is already trying to get India to pay it for its oil in Yuan, to some success. Adding economies the size of Japan and South Korea would mean that any country that wants to buy oil could buy it in Yuan instead of Dollars. Once in Yuan, these countries would need to use the Yuan to buy Chinese products, deposit cash there and buy Chinese treasury bills. If China were to combine that with demands that all chips made in Taiwan also be sold in Yuan, the U.S Dollar would suddenly and forcefully no longer be the only reserve currency in the world.

Obviously, the way to stop this from happening is by stating outright that the United States will not tolerate a Chinese takeover of Taiwan. It is true, that the Strategy claims that the US “will also maintain our longstanding declaratory policy on Taiwan, meaning that the United States does not support any unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait” but in practice the administration has criticized Japan’s tough talk on China instead of leaving it be. A strong silence on Prime Minister Takaichi’s remarks on China would have served the purpose of keeping the status quo more than telling her to tone down her rhetoric. There is a strong “no intervention ever” strain in the country and the President must make the case that that is not an option if the United States wants to maintain its leadership position, way of life and general prosperity.

In short, the threat to the Dollar as the reserve currency heads right through Taiwan. For those who think that the investment the U.S makes in keeping the Dollar where it is, is too expensive, just think of going on vacation and having the change to Yuan before you leave the country, wondering how much to change because of currency fluctuation and how much fun it is to return with hundreds of dollars in banknotes that you can’t use. Imagine your credit card bill on such travels and wondering how you went 15% over budget but didn’t get anything extra for it. Now imagine the national economy working that way.

Disclaimer: the views expressed in this opinion article are solely those of the author, and not necessarily the opinions reflected by angrymetatraders.com or its associated parties.

You can follow Ira Slomowitz via The Angry Demagogue on Substack https://iraslomowitz.substack.com/ 

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India Insider: The 8.2% Growth Mirage Needs a Reality Check

India Insider: The 8.2% Growth Mirage Needs a Reality Check

India is celebrating the 8.2% real GDP growth result for Q2 FY26, as if it has entered a new economic orbit. Politicians are claiming victory and media is packaging optimism. The narrative is simple: India cannot be stopped. But once we move beyond the headline, the number loses credibility. It rests on a broken deflator, a statistical gap that no one can trace, and data architecture that doesn’t consider half the economy. This is not a story of unstoppable growth. This is a story of statistical convenience.

The Production–Expenditure Divide

On the production side, the numbers look heroic. Manufacturing allegedly grew 9.1%, and financial and professional services posted more than 10% growth. Corporate India looks like it is flying. But when the same activity is measured from the expenditure side – who actually spends this income – the story weakens.

Private consumption at 7.9% is respectable, not outstanding. The real shock is government consumption, which contracted by 2.7%. A shrinking government should normally mute growth, not accelerate it. Yet the GDP shoots up. How does that make sense? It doesn’t unless the number is being propped up somewhere else – and this is the case.

₹1.63 Lakh Crore of ‘Unknown Growth’

GDP includes a category called ‘discrepancy’. It exists because the two methods – production and expenditure – never perfectly align. The discrepancy stands at ₹1.63 lakh crore ($18.2 Billion USD) which equates into roughly 3.3% of real GDP. That means a chunk of this 8.2% growth has no identifiable spender: No households. No firms. No government.

It is income without absorption. A statistical plug. When a number this large is called ‘discrepancy’, the headline becomes unreliable – suspicious. You cannot claim world beating growth when your own data admits it cannot explain where that growth came from.

Chart via the National Statistical Office

The Deflator Illusion

The next distortion is the nominal vs real GDP gap. Nominal GDP is growing at 8.7% and real GDP at 8.2%. A gap of 0.5 percentage points implies inflation has almost vanished. Every Indian knows this is not true. Costs did not collapse. Food inflation has not disappeared.

The explanation is mechanical: India still uses the Wholesale Price Index (WPI) to deflate nominal output. Global commodity prices fell, WPI softened sharply, and that flattening pushed up the real number. In other words, GDP grew because the denominator fell, not because production surged.

This creates a fiscal problem. The Union Budget assumed 10.1% nominal growth. At 8.7%, tax buoyancy will weaken, deficit targets become more difficult, and next year’s fiscal capability shrinks. Real GDP does not pay the bills, Nominal GDP does.

The Informal Blind Spot

India still cannot measure its informal economy accurately. Nearly half of GDP and employment sits outside the formal system, yet the NSO uses formal sector proxies such as corporate balance sheets, GST data, and financial flows to estimate the rest of the economy. If a small business collapses and a corporate giant expands, the data shows a net gain, erasing distress at the bottom which means real economic circumstances are not portrayed accurately for Indian citizens.

Agriculture grew at 3.5%, but it still supports 46% of India’s workforce. That means growth is concentrated in capital intensive and balance-sheet heavy sectors, not into areas that put cash into rural hands. A booming Nifty Index via the stock market does not translate into household prosperity.

An Economy Measured with Old Tools

India continues to measure GDP using a 2011–12 base year, an era before UPI (Unified Payments Interface), before fintech credit, before e-commerce, before gig workforces, before the pandemic rewired supply chains and consumption patterns. India is living in a digital economy, but measuring activity with analog instruments.

A shift to a 2022–23 base year, plus replacing WPI with a Producer Price Index, may finally align the numbers realistically. But until then, headlines are running ahead of bona-fide measurements.

India’s 8.2% print is impressive, but growth estimates that don’t reflect grounded realities produce illusionary optics rather than useful insights. For India to strengthen fiscal and economic credibility, measurements must capture households, labor markets, and productivity, not solely corporate outputs. Policy cannot be shaped by statistical ambiguity, it requires transparency and trusted data.

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India Insider: Why a Deep Corporate Bond Market is Needed

India Insider: Why a Deep Corporate Bond Market is Needed

India’s corporate bond market remains small relative to the size and ambitions of its economy. This is often described as a regulatory shortcoming. In reality, it reflects a deeper structural choice: India’s financial system was built to channel savings through banks, not markets. That choice now imposes visible constraints on capital formation, governance, and risk pricing.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, several Indian companies including firms such as Arvind Fashions were forced to raise capital by diluting their equity in public markets. Equity issuance is not inherently wrong, especially during a crisis. However, businesses built on consumer brands, distribution networks, and long gestation cycles require patient, long term capital. Financing such models primarily through short term bank loans or repeated equity dilution creates a mismatch between the nature of the business and the nature of the capital supporting it.

India Corporate Bond Comparison to the U.S 2024-25 Approximated Totals

In countries like the U.S, this gap is filled by intermediate forms of capital. Private equity firms often provide long duration funding through instruments such as mezzanine debt, while deep corporate bond markets allow companies to raise long term money aligned with their operating horizons. In India, the absence of such markets make corporate choose to either raise capital via short term debt that strains cash flows or equity dilution at unfavorable points in the cycle.

A corporate bond market also serves a broader purpose: governance and accountability. A Parliamentary Standing Committee report in 2022 noted that nearly ₹10 lakh crore ($110 Billion USD) of corporate bank loans were written off over the preceding five years. While write-offs do not automatically imply wrongdoing, they highlight a system in which credit losses are repeatedly absorbed by public sector balance sheets where the capital is often infused by taxpayers money. In bank dominated systems, credit assessment is periodic and opaque. Market discipline remains weak.

Traded securities impose a different standard. Michael Milken once observed that bond markets re-evaluate credit daily, not every six months. Prices respond immediately to new information. If sellers suddenly outnumber buyers, the market forces a reassessment of risk in real time. In effect, every trading day becomes a fresh credit decision.

This discipline is missing when loans remain locked within banks. A vibrant corporate bond market which is supported by securitization, secondary-market liquidity, and institutional investors would allow credit risk to be priced, transferred, and monitored continuously. It would expose stress early, rather than after losses have already been socialized.

Today, banks account for nearly 70 percent of financial intermediation in India. Fintech has begun to challenge this dominance, but largely in consumer and personal finance. For corporate and MSME (Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises) financing, long-term capital cannot come from apps or short duration loans, it must come from markets designed to price risk over time.

India’s corporate bond market will not look like America’s, nor does it need to. But without deeper liquidity, institutional participation, and price discovery, India will continue to build long term businesses on short-term money ,and bear the consequences when cycles turn.

(Notes: 1 USD = 90.58)

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India Insider: Affluence Among the Few, Aspirations for Many

India Insider: Affluence Among the Few, Aspirations for Many

A recent report by Franklin Templeton highlighted that India’s per capita income will penetrate the $5,000.00 USD level by 2031, pushing the country into what some analysts consider an affluence trigger zone. Their article celebrates the consumer boom showing the rising sales of premium detergents, growing green tea consumption, and a surge in discretionary spending, as if prosperity has finally crossed over into a mainstream phenomena.

But a closer look reveals something else and a worthwhile critique of Franklin Templeton’s optimistic portrayal.

Who Actually Spends this Money ?

The Franklin Templeton report confidently attributes the wealth effect to rising equities, real estate and gold. Yet, with only 13 crore (130 million) demat accounts in a country of 143 crore people, how can equities be driving broad affluence? Even within those attributed accounts, activity is heavily concentrated in the top decile of income earners like urban professionals in finance, IT and export linked sectors; and over 70% of mutual fund assets under management come from the top ten cities.

The so called upper middle class that fuels premium consumption largely works in these sectors. For the rest of India – especially the 42% still dependent on agriculture – wages have barely kept pace with inflation. Several national surveys and analyses show real wage stagnation since 2015-2016. Data from the Labor Bureau and the National Sample Survey (NSSO) indicates that real wages for rural laborers had near zero growth between 2015-2016 and 2022-2023. In contrast, the period before 2015-16 showed much faster wage growth.

NSSO Survey data compiled by Idea India Magazine

The Concentration of Savings and Spending Power

The report itself concedes that the top 20% of households hold around 85% of India’s total savings. That’s roughly 26 crore people (260 million) driving most of the premium consumption, while the remaining 104 crore (1.04 billion) share only 15% of savings – a stark reminder that aggregate growth often hides skewed realities. And this is why rural households and lower-income urban families, meanwhile, are facing tighter budgets and are actually cutting back on discretionary spending.

Gold as a Survival Cushion

The report romanticizes gold as a symbol of wealth, but in rural India, the precious metal plays a very different role. Gold is not an indicator of luxury and status, but a financial safety net. In villages around Tiruvannamalai City of Tamil Nadu State. Where I have surveyed about 50 families, average holdings are often below 40 grams. When harvests fail or cash flows tighten, this gold is pledged or sold to fund essentials like health expenses, education or seeds for the next planting season.

Yes, some towns in India have higher gold holdings and savings, sharply due to offshore remittances especially in States like Kerala and Gujarat. This remittance led prosperity fuels local real estate and pushes up rents, but it’s a localized story, not a national one. Most rural communities still depend on seasonal income and informal borrowing.

The Uneven Reality Behind Growth

Premium brands are growing faster, but this signals income polarization, not inclusive growth. The per capita income maybe rising, but it’s an average skewed by the top 10-20% who hold multiple assets. For most, consumption is fueled by rising debt. Until wage growth broadens and rural incomes strengthen, India’s  consumption boom will remain the affluence of a few – not the prosperity of the many.

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India and the U.S Govt Shutdown: Quick Market Thoughts

India and the U.S Govt Shutdown: Quick Market Thoughts

President Trump has been ramping up his claims that India is no longer going to buy Russian oil, he made a statement regarding this belief yesterday once again. As the White House threatened to initiate tougher sanctions against India, there seems to have been some movement towards a reconciliation between the two powerful nations.

The Trump administration is clearly trying to limit the amount of purchases of Russian oil by India to increase economic pressures on Russia, and reportedly India may be starting to actually buy less oil. India has certainly not stopped buying Russian oil in a maximum ‘fait accompli’, but if the nation continues to show a willingness to purchase less energy resources from Russia, this will go a long way in preserving a good U.S and India association. A stronger relationship between the U.S and India can achieve a vital economic and military correlation for the both nations. Improved friendlier tones from New Delhi and Washington D.C appear to have reassured investors in the Indian equity markets via highs currently being seen on Nifty 50, which are now within sight of apex values from late September last year.

Nifty 50 One Year Chart as of 23rd October 2025

India is a vital and important part of U.S policy as it attempts to also create pressure on China too. By maintaining political and business dealings with India, the U.S can and should look upon this joint relationship as a vast long-term strategic interest. India understands this as well. The ability of India and the U.S to remain ‘friendly’ allies, and the prospect of creating a vigorous economic and military partnership should be one of the U.S government’s essential missions.

India does have strong connections to Russia the past handful of decades politically and economically via its non-aligned status. India will certainly maintain its dialogue and sometimes cooperative dealings with Russia. However, if India and the U.S maintain a solid relationship with the prospect of increasing their economic and political ties this could substantially change dynamics on the Asian continent.

U.S Government Shutdown Since the 1st of October

The U.S government has now been shutdown for over three weeks as Republicans and Democrats remain stubborn about compromise. Both sides have made the shutdown a political game. While each party claims they are doing what is best for the nation and preach to their collective voting bases, the stalemate could start to have uglier effects regarding wages not paid for many U.S employees on the 1st of November.

Dow Jones 30 One Year Chart as of 23rd October 2025

A lack of government salaries not being dispersed will cause an economic hit via consumer spending and create at a minimum some temporary damage for GDP numbers. Remarkably, and to be clear about this potential impact, Wall Street hasn’t seemed to care yet, but this could start to change. As the U.S economy rumbles powerfully forward without a major downturn in the major equity indices, politicians appear to be comfortable acting like spoiled children on both sides of the aisles engaged in accusing the other side of misdeeds.

Likely to start changing attitudes among Republicans and Democrats in the next two weeks are the coming Federal Reserve’s FOMC Statement during the end of October, and voting results via key political races in the first week of November.

Wall Street wants clarity regarding interest rate outlooks for November, December and early next year. Investors might not get a clear picture from the Fed next week, taking into consideration the Federal Reserve will not have up to date official U.S economic data because of the government shutdown. Meaning the Fed will likely issue a 25 basis point rate cut on the 29th of October and say it is uncertain about the coming few months because it does not have enough inflation, employment and GDP information to form a concrete opinion. The joke of coarse being the Fed seldom seems to have a strong opinion, but now can use the government shutdown as an excuse.

And now for contemplation, let’s look at the election in NYC for Mayor. A bona fide socialist may get elected in New York City who carries the historically misguided and dangerous wisdom of a Marxist. The economic and social practices of Marxism have proven utter failures for over one hundred years consistently. If NYC suffers a victory from the socialist candidate running as a Democrat, Wall Street and many financial institutions based in the city will not react favorably.

In the meantime, U.S equity indices remain elevated, cautious and within sight of record highs. The Nasdaq, Dow Jones and S&P along with other financial assets are producing choppy dangerous conditions for day traders who are attempting to wager on daily changes and suffering from the cautious behavioral sentiment being generated. Investors who look towards the mid and long-term are likely more comfortable, but are certainly keeping an eye on what is going to transpire over the next two weeks. Gold and Silver have come off their speculative highs. Forex continues to create volatile conditions as financial institutions appear unready to make bold predictions about what the Federal Reserve will do into January 2026.
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India Insider: U.S Credit Crunch vs. Indian Banking Paralysis

India Insider: U.S Credit Crunch vs. Indian Banking Paralysis

When the U.S suffered a severe credit crunch in the early 1990s, the triggers were clear: the collapse of the leveraged buyout (LBO) boom, commercial real estate price corrections, and the failure of Savings and Loans (S&L) Associations, created the need for a $160 billion taxpayer bailout. Regulators, determined to act tough, declared many banks undercapitalized. The result was a nationwide squeeze from 1991 to 1993, where capital shortages – not liquidity, froze credit markets.

Reserve Bank of India Borrowing Rates 1935 to 2025

Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan slashed the Federal Funds rate to 3%, but banks couldn’t lend without capital. The unique twist was that, even as lending slowed, competition among borrowers pushed prime lending rates to 6%. This gave banks a fat 3–4% spread. Greenspan let this persist for nearly three years, enabling banks to earn profits equal to more than 10% of assets. With capital requirements at 8%, the windfall repaired balance sheets. By 1994, the U.S had exited the crisis and returned to strong growth.

India’s trajectory was very different. For decades, the country ran structurally high interest rates, which in theory should have allowed banks to recapitalize through spreads, just like the U.S. However, the reality was distorted by governance failures. Public sector banks (PSBs) , which dominate the system did not use their spreads to strengthen capital. Instead, politically connected lending to oligarchs and large industrial houses left the banks saddled with non-performing assets (NPAs).

I witnessed the aftermath up close in 2019 while working at Edelweiss Brokerage. Shadow banks were stressed, some private banks were crumbling, and PSBs were finally forced to acknowledge their bad loans. The selloff in the banking stocks were brutal that year, Catholic Syrian Bank’s IPO, one of the prominent South Indian banks went undersubscribed. To counter the slowdown, the government slashed corporate taxes from 30% to 22% to stimulate capital expenditure.

Unlike the U.S, India’s stress was on the asset side. Corporates were dragged into Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC) proceedings, where assets were monetized through painful restructurings. Piramal Finance bought DHFL at 30 cents on the dollar, and ArcelorMittal acquired Essar Steel at 90 cents. This was the hard clean up the system had avoided for years.

The NDA (National Democratic Alliance) government made the right call in restructuring the banking sector. Weak public sector banks were merged with stronger ones. Yes, it was costly. Households bore the burden via higher taxes, hidden charges, and high borrowing rates. But at least the problem was confronted.

The contrast is striking. The U.S endured a sharp three-year crunch, recapitalized its banks through spreads and market discipline, and bounced back quickly. India endured nearly a decade of paralysis, requiring taxpayer recapitalizations, corporate asset fire-sales, and systemic restructuring. The eventual stability allowed private sector banks to quietly capture market share from their weaker state-owned peers.

The lesson is simple: interest rate spreads can heal banks only if governance is strong. Without accountability, as India’s PSB saga shows, high rates merely tax households and businesses without fixing the system.

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India Insider: Why is Gold Frequently Accumulated by Indians?

India Insider: Why is Gold Frequently Accumulated by Indians?

In a society like India in which I live gold hoarding is a fact of life. According to a recent report by the World Gold Council, Indian households are believed to hold around 25,000 tonnes of gold with a combined value of around $3 trillion USD.

Billionaire banker Uday Kotak applauded Indian women when he said they are ”the smartest fund managers in the world”. The precious metal has gained 42% in 2025 alone, and returned 700% in the last 20 years in Indian Rupee terms. In India consumers have a habit of monitoring daily gold prices. There is a gold festival in India called Aksayatritiyai, when gold is bought frequently in small grams but often also includes large purchases for religious sentiments. In Northern India, gold is bought during festival times like Dhanteras and believed to bring prosperity and good fortune.

It’s almost unthinkable for marriages to occur in India without gold. Many marriages have been postponed and even stopped if the requisite dowry is not given by a girl’s family. And there was a time in India when some families didn’t want to have a baby girl due to the excessive gold dowry they would be responsible for and have to give a boy’s family at the time of marriage. 

Adam Smith’s Case Against Gold:

Smith lashed out at gold for its lack of productiveness. He wrote in the The Wealth of Nations, “labour was the first price, the original purchase-money that was paid for all things. It was not by gold or by silver, but by labour, that all the wealth of the world was originally purchased; and its value, to those who possess it, and who want to exchange it for some few productions, is precisely equal to the quantity of labour which it can enable them to purchase or command.”

The act of hoarding, whether it is money or gold, depresses economic activity, as demonstrated by John Maynard Keynes in his ‘paradox of thrift’. Indeed, it was the Europeans by spending all the precious metals taken from the Americas which boosted economic activity, and ultimately sparked the rise of modern capitalism whereas Asians by hoarding ended up falling behind.

Ancient China Example:

In the past, China’s reliance on silver gave short-term stability but stunted long term growth. With no domestic silver, it depended on inflows from Spain and Japan, making its money supply hostage to global trade. Wars or disruptions cut silver inflows, draining liquidity while crippling tax collection. Unlike Europe, China clung to silver as ‘real’ money, while neglecting credit, banking and bonds. This rigid system weakened the nation’s fiscal capacity, leaving China unable to mobilize resources or industrialize effectively. In the end, silver ensured stability, but strangled flexibility and growth. Indian growth has been strangled too often because of an over-obsession towards gold.

Why Gold Prices are Moving Up?

The price of gold was relatively stable until the 2008 financial crisis and it’s been rising steadily ever since, doubling in 3 years from 2009 to 2012. After some broad consolidation, gold has been in a higher value band if you scrupulously study charts. Arguably, it is an influence due to lower interest rates that have helped gold prices move up for 15 years as inflation has been attempted to be camouflaged by Central Banks.

Accumulation of Central Bank Holding of Gold into 2024

Central Banks also accumulate gold for many reasons. One reason for this are rising bond yields that make existing fiscal obligations underperform for governments. Central Banks buy gold to diversify and hedge against risk. As the Official Monetary and Financial Institutions Forum – an independent body – noted recently, many European national bank systems endure massive losses because of quantitative easing. When the institutions try to undertake quantitative tightening, they are forced to sell at market prices, which deepen their balance sheets losses. Thus, Central Banks diversify into gold as a sacrosanct hedge against losses incurred and allows them to offset many liabilities. Gold has a long historical track record of working as a safeguard against inflation.

It’s also true that gold is often accumulated by Central Banks when hedging against geopolitical uncertainty. The Russia and Ukraine war offers intrigue regarding the nation of Kyrgyzstan, which China uses as a route for its exports to Russia, this due to Kyrgyzstan’s inherent ability to conduct trade via accessible routes. There is high plausibility that Kyrgyzstan might be converting Russian Ruble surpluses into gold.

Monetary Policy Matters for Gold:

Gold will remain vital for many years to come as a store of value and a safe haven. Buying the precious metal delivers investors and businesses a needed hedge against inflation. Protections against the lose of purchasing power within their own fiat currencies remains important for all people.

The Indian public and other societies need to remember, the value of gold within their own currencies often lies within the interest rate valuations sparked by Central Banks mechanisms which sometimes amount to magic shows and influence demand. While public buying of gold is important, it sometimes equates into mere speculation and does not always help economic activity.

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India Insider: Women in Agriculture Need Manufacturing Power

India Insider: Women in Agriculture Need Manufacturing Power

India has long been a society that has neglected Women’s Empowerment. While various states pursue proactive policies to enhance the role of women in society, their inclusion in the job market and ability to have financial independence is still lacking.

Small Scale Farm in Tiruvannamalai, India

In the suburbs of Tiruvannamalai City, in Tamil Nadu, Mrs. Revathi runs an agricultural farm where she grows rice, flowers, and vegetables. She sells them to local commission agents or directly to customers from her farm. Mrs. Revathi, who lost her husband in 2019, has two daughters, both of whom are educated and working. One of the daughters is getting married. She said that although agriculture helps her family earn money, it does not lift them out of the poverty trap because of uneven flower cultivation. The land is becoming less and less suitable for irrigation – a matter that worries her greatly too. Flowers are one of the major sources of income for many farming families in Tiruvannamalai City in Tamil Nadu.

This is just a small example of the challenges faced by women working in agriculture.
According to recent Periodic Labor Force Surveys, 64.4% of women in India work in agriculture, compared to only 36.3% of men.

Labor Workforce Percentage in India per Gender

Self employment and Access to Credit is not the Solution:

Many argue that self-employment and steady access to credit via microfinance institutions will help women become entrepreneurs and create movement up the social ladder. This is true in some cases, but many women struggle with raising families in their husband’s absence, and when working on farms where agricultural productivity is lopsided or unfit for growing vegetables or corn, times remain difficult.

First of all, why do women choose agriculture and remain small-time sellers? Because they are not able to find employment easily in formal sectors like manufacturing or other service oriented businesses.

Even within related agricultural sectors, women employed in vegetable processing plants, or value-added goods like masala manufacturing and tomato sauce production companies earn higher wages.

Unfortunately, low productivity and long spells of inactivity render agricultural workers significantly underemployed periodically. They are stuck, with nowhere else to go. Unlike in East Asian nations, which created mass employment through dynamic exports of manufactured goods, the Indian manufacturing sector’s low productivity makes it globally uncompetitive.

Manufacturing as a Solution for Women Empowerment:

Across Asia manufacturing has proven to be a powerful driver for upwards mobility. Incomes have risen, poverty has declined, and women are central parts of this transformation. In Vietnam, where a factory boom has been especially momentous, more than 68 percent of women and girls over 15 years of age are working for pay in some capacity, this according to data compiled by the World Bank. In China the rate is 63 percent, in Thailand 59 percent, and in Indonesia 53 percent of workers in manufacturing are women. Yet in India, less than 33 percent of women account for the workforce in recorded in official surveys.

In a pattern demonstrated in many industrializing societies, when more women gain jobs, families promptly invest further in education for girls. Manufacturing also lifts household spending power, fueling economic expansion that encourages investors to build more factories, providing additional jobs and reciprocal wealth creation. India is missing out on this dynamic manufacturing growth and is failing to broadly participate in the spread of improved industrialization which has helped bolster fortunes in many Asian economies and benefitted families. A vital component for a stronger Indian economy necessitates the empowerment of women.