India Vote 20260507

India Insider: How a Film Star is Reshaping Politics in Tamil Nadu

Vijay: A Stunning Victory by an Actor Turned Politician in India

When the Tamil Nadu state election results were announced this Monday, many people were stunned that a party with barely two years of political existence had managed to unseat parties that had dominated the state for more than 75 and 50 years respectively.

TVK (Tamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam), founded by actor turned politician Vijay, used his charismatic presence in Tamil cinema along with the power of social media to attract Gen Z voters and women.

This came despite the incumbent DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) government under Chief Minister M.K. Stalin being widely credited for stable governance and helping Tamil Nadu remain one of India’s fastest growing state economies, with a GSDP( Gross State Domestic Product) growth rate of 11.9%.

Voting Results in Tamil Nadu and TVK Topping the Results

The two major Dravidian parties – DMK and AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kalagam) were originally built on the foundations of social justice, welfare, and development. For decades, they shaped Tamil Nadu’s political identity and succeeded in winning the trust of the people.

However, despite the DMK government’s governance record, allegations of corruption, nepotism, and cash for votes politics continued to surround both DMK and ADMK. These criticisms have become deeply embedded in public perception over the years.

Today’s Gen Z voters appear to want change. Many were looking for a fresh political face capable of reshaping Tamil Nadu’s political landscape.

Vijay’s party reportedly secured around 1.67 crore votes, or approximately 34.3% of the total vote share, one of the strongest performances ever recorded by a newly formed political party contesting its first major election.

India’s political landscape has also been evolving rapidly in recent years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP have successfully consolidated much of North India politically and are now working aggressively to expand their influence in southern states such as Telangana, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu.

For Modi, strong regional opposition leaders such as M.K. Stalin in Tamil Nadu and Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal have remained major political challenges. Any significant political shifts in states like Tamil Nadu and West Bengal could reshape India’s national political dynamics in the years ahead.

While corruption, nepotism, and vote buying are important issues to consider, it is also necessary to distinguish between political allegations and governance outcomes.

In many ways, the DMK government performed better during the last five years than several previous ADMK and DMK administrations. Social indicators are impressive while Tamil Nadu State has attracted billions of USD investment for iPhone and automobile manufacturing.

During the election results, I was driving through Tiruvannamalai in northern Tamil Nadu and noticed that the streets were unusually silent. There were hardly any people celebrating openly.

If another traditional Dravidian party had won, the roads would likely have been filled with supporters distributing sweets and celebrating publicly.

For the first time, it felt as though a major electoral victory had been shaped more by social media influence and public perception than by traditional ground level welfare based political desires.

On my way back home on Monday, I saw an elderly man sitting at a bus stop equipped with fans that helped ease the intense summer heat.

That moment made me wonder: in the next five years, will political change alone truly improve the lives of ordinary people?

Or will charisma and digital influence matter more than governance, infrastructure, and social-welfare in the long run?

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Water India Graph 20260430

India Insider: Water Crisis Has Turned From Severe to Critical

India Needs Sustainable Water Security With Improved Infrastructure

India’s population has been expanding at a rapid pace and stands at 1.4 billion. Due to the urbanization process, industrialization in cities like Chennai, Mumbai and Delhi must continue to emphasize improving public infrastructures in order to maintain vital growth.

The growing population and urbanization adds noteworthy stress to the nation’s water bodies. With more people living in increasingly congested areas and pumping large amounts of water via borewells, groundwater levels are rapidly diminishing.

For instance, India consumes roughly 761 billion cubic meters of water per year, making it the largest water consumer in the world, ahead of China and the United States. 85% of rural India is dependent on ground water for agriculture and consumption, this because lake and pond water are not accessible. Rural India suffers from a lack of maintenance and sewage water that often contaminates these important sources.

Tap Water via Total Dissolved Solids Comparison in Various Cities Worldwide 

Only a few years ago, water facilities provided by municipalities and urban systems were relatively accessible in India. Low and middle income households relied on pipelines, wells and tap water for their daily usage. However, with sharp rises in population, government capital expenditures on water pipelines and sanitation has not kept pace and often fails to meet needs.

For example, rainfall in Chennai City always ends up staying on roads and platforms in the last few years, this despite the city’s infrastructure which has expanded multifold. In many parts of Chennai, water contamination has become severe with high levels of iron, hardness, turbidity and nitrate levels visible. The government has been inefficient when addressing the contamination. As I witnessed in 2019, many parts of Chennai cannot use ground water due to inadequate rainfall, storage and lack of proper municipal supplies.

And due to excessive extraction of ground water and an inability to channel rain water into the ground, many parts of Tamil Nadu now report total dissolved solids (TDS) ranging from 500 to 1000 parts per million, reaching extreme levels of 3000–5000 ppm in some areas. The World Health Organization recommends much lower levels for safe and palatable drinking water.

Water treatment for households using reverse osmosis plants, which were not normal a few years back have become essential for people seeking safe drinking water. Despite being a coastal region , cities like Chennai cannot rely solely on seawater desalination to meet their drinking water needs. While desalination plants contribute to supply, they account for only a fraction of total demand.

Desalination is an energy intensive and expensive process, making it difficult to scale for universal, affordable access. More importantly, producing water is only one part of the solution and delivering it efficiently remains a major challenge.

India endures 3 to 4 crore (30–40 million) waterborne disease cases every year, mostly from contaminated drinking water. As borewells go deeper, they draw water containing high concentrations of fluoride, arsenic, nitrates, and heavy metals. This creates significant health risks, especially for low income households that cannot afford advanced purification systems. The depletion crisis and contamination crisis are increasingly converging.

Due to rapid urbanization and high population with inefficient audits, many water bodies such as lakes and ponds have been encroached upon by the real estate sector or contaminated by waste disposal by surrounding settlements. This is quite visible in Chennai.

Experts claim that many water officials do not have a clear understanding of how pipeline networks are laid out across cities. As Frontline magazine columnist Vedaant Lakhera wrote in April 2026, India’s water crisis stems less from hydrological scarcity and more from a failure of governance.

The absence of water sensitive designs have allowed cities to expand unchecked, almost freely, contaminating local water sources such as lakes and ponds. This has led to a significant depletion of groundwater availability, which were supposed to act as reserve water reserves.

Addressing this crisis requires a multi-dimensional approach. Rainwater harvesting must be scaled to improve groundwater recharge and long-term availability, while modern purification systems remain essential to ensure safe consumption in the short term. At the same time, systemic reforms such as regular pipeline audits, mandatory replacement of ageing infrastructure, and better urban water management are critical to prevent contamination at its source.

Without such integrated efforts, cities will continue to face a paradox of water scarcity amid abundance. Sustainable water security in India does not depend only on how much water is available, but on how effectively it is managed, protected and delivered.

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WTI Crude Oil 20260428

Shift To Economic War Against Iran to Deprive Funds to Regime and IRGC

What If Everyone Is Looking At The Wrong Things About Iran?

The current futures price for WTI Crude Oil is above $98.00. The cash price for the commodity is above $103.00. While many people continue to fret about what endgame strategy the U.S White House is conducting, what if we are seeing it play out in real time via the price of Crude Oil? Is it possible that President Trump has a coordinated plan to starve the Iranian regime and the IRGC of its much loved and needed money? It appears this is the case.

WTI Crude Oil Futures Three Months Chart on the 28th of April

Simply put, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps is a mafia. They stay in power using the tool of fear brought upon by their ability to be ruthless to the Iranian citizens. They are a terrorist organization in the truest sense. If you disagree with that assessment, you are free to do so. However, facts when they are studied point to the conclusion Iran is a terrorist state led by its regime and the IRGC. 

Iran has made massive amounts of money via its energy products for decades. The shutdown of the Hormuz Strait, or at least the inability to export Crude Oil freely, is putting a strain on global energy prices, and it is causing a major fracture in the main financial export of Iran. 

The U.S has not only shut down easy navigation in the Hormuz Strait, but it is also going after Iran’s cryptocurrency operations. The ability to receive and transfer digital money by Iran is being strangled. What if President Trump is not only listening to the opinions of his military officers, and Secretary of State Rubio and Vice-President Vance, but also Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent who has an abundance of financial knowledge about how money flows internationally and how to create obstacles.

If the IRGC is not able to pay its own members, and other adherents to the Iranian regime are only slowly reimbursed, the apparatus of the IRGC will certainly lose its influence. The inability to pay allies that exists merely because they are employed or corrupted by the IRGC likely is starting to cause fractures regarding loyalties. 

China needs Iranian oil too. And evidence is starting to be speculated upon that China is facing tough decisions about acquiring Crude Oil from other sources. China will not be happy about having to pay higher costs, this because discounted Iranian oil that has abundantly been used is no longer available. 

Equities via the major U.S indices have done incredibly well since the end of March. The Nasdaq 100 has seemingly forgotten about AI overbought concerns, the S&P 500 is within apex territory and the VIX is acting as if sunny days are in the forecast. Forex has been volatile, but the value of the USD is within known realms.  However, the price of WTI Crude Oil is high and it has gotten higher since the 17th of April when futures prices briefly flirted with the $80.00 realm – this before going into a weekend. And this is a clue that something is afoot, beside larger players speculating on what their outlooks are for WTI Crude Oil in the mid-term.

The weekend of the 18th and 19th of April witnessed talk of an end to the Iranian war fall short; and heard President Trump essentially declare the ceasefire is still on but with the caveat that the U.S would create a blockade in the Hormuz Strait. While the semantics of a blockade can be debated, the U.S has caused shipping problems for tankers that were supposed to ship Iranian Crude Oil. The U.S clearly decided to create economic distress for Iran.

The Iranian regime still stands, but its leadership is rather shaken. The IRGC is controlling a lot of the decision making for the time being, and it appears the U.S White House is trying to make the IRGC weaker by ending their financial lifelines. It appears that it has been figured out that an economic war which includes starving Iran of cash is the most certain way to create revolts inside of the nation. When the influence of money is eroded, and temptations via other spheres of power suddenly sound tempting and can be joined, this is when shifts in authority and leadership can occur. 

While many analysts wonder about the lack of an obvious endgame being announced by the Trump administration, maybe it is already being played out. President Trump has a large ego and he is happy to extoll the virtues of his ‘tremendous’ policies frequently, but he also has shown the ability to remain quiet when it comes to plans of action and carrying them out. Yes, this can be argued into the late hours by pro-Trump and anti-Trump people. But maybe Trump is simply telling the truth when it comes to the U.S having time on its side regarding the Iranian ceasefire and the Strait of Hormuz. Maybe the clock is ticking on the eroding cash pile the Iranian regime and IRGC has within its grasp.

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Hospitalization Costs 20260421

India Insider: Rising Hospitalization Costs a Growing Concern

Indian Households Face Rising Expenditures for Hospitalization and Critical Care

Many households in India face unexpected hospital expenses that have become almost routine in today’s environment. Rapid urbanization, unclean drinking water, poor air quality due to carbon emissions and industrialization have hit low and middle income homes harder than upper income families. These households are increasingly exposed to diseases that require critical treatment, but the government institutions are ill-equipped to handle the growing patient loads. As a result, many Indians are forced to seek treatment in private hospitals, where costs are significantly higher.

Consider that a middle income household in Madurai earns roughly between 15,000 to 20,000 Rupees per month per person. This per the Periodic Labor Force Survey 2023-2024 Annual Report. So if two people are working in a family, it means empirically, we can estimate the income between 35,000 to 40,000 per month. We need to compute the family’s expenditures – if one member is hospitalized for critical illness or gets hospitalized treatment in private and public hospital.

Even if the income range for this family is better than median estimates, their capacity to absorb medical shocks are limited due to high baseline consumption and minimal household savings.

In the case of hospitalization in a government facility, out of pocket expenditures such as medicines, diagnostics, transport, and wage loss can amount to 12,000 to 40,000, effectively deducting one to two months of household income.

In other words, families need to spend out of pocket by borrowing to finance these gaps for consumption and medical expenses.

However, if a family is forced to take treatment in a private hospital, they would be spending 100,000 to 500,000 Rupees in critical cases, their total spending as a higher percentage of net income and is close to 1,250% in extreme cases.

The Role of Savings and Informal Safety Nets

As observed during Covid-19 and other crises, Gold has often acted as a financial buffer for Indian households.

Families that save during stable periods are able to pledge or sell gold in times of distress, helping them to manage medical expenses without relying entirely on high cost borrowing.

In contrast households without many buffers, often turn to informal lenders or personal loans, where interest rates can range between 36 to 60% compounding the financial distress.

Looking at Government Data for Clues

The most authoritative survey on household expenditures on hospitalization comes from National Sample Survey Office’s (NSSO) “Health in India” (2017-2018), and it showed the costs for those hospitalized in private facilities were eight times costlier than government facilitys.

An average hospitalization (excluding child birth) cost 4,290 Rupees in a rural government hospital, and 4,837 in an urban government hospital. The same scenario in a private hospital cost 27,347 in rural India and 38,822 in urban India. Out of pocket expenditures – the amount families pay themselves, follows the same pattern with families having to pay out about 4,000 Rupees in government hospitals, versus 26,000 – 32,000 Rupees in private ones.

Hospitalization Expenditure by Hospital Type and Sector, NSSO 75th Round (2017-2018). Source: MoSPI, Ministry of Statistics.

These were already catastrophic figures for a typical household in 2017-2018. A single private hospital admission cost more than a month’s wages for most Indian families, and it is getting worse.

Seven Years of 12-14% Medical Inflation

Since 2018, the cost of being hospitalized in India has risen at a pace that outstrips almost every other category of spending: Millman’s 2025 medical inflation report pegged the rate at 12% in 2024, more than triple the general CPI inflation of 4.2%.

An urban private hospital admission that cost 38,822 Rupees in 2017-2018 now is in a 76,000 – 91,000 price range, this while real wages are stagnant and not growing. Recent RBI Household surveys conclude that Indians absorb higher debt in order to manage their household expenses.

Critical Illness Can Wipe Out a Household’s Future

Critical illness like heart attacks, a cancer diagnosis, renal failure, kidney transplants costs even more in India – and the problems grow unbearable for Indian families after they are forced to take on more debt. For example, a heart angioplasty with stent that costs 100,000 in 2018 now costs between 200,000 – 300,000 Rupees in private hospitals.  A kidney transplant which costs 400,000 – 600,000 a decade ago now costs 1 million to 1.5 million Rupees. A full course of chemotherapy ranges from 250,000 for early stage diseases to 2.5 million Rupees for advanced cases requiring targeted biologics.

Cost ranges for major critical illness in India, 2024-2025, green bars show public hospital costs, orange bars show private hospital costs. Sources: ACKO India Health Report 2024, HCG Oncology, Hospital Quote Data from Apollo, CARE and others.

Where the Indian Household Stands

As per periodic labor force surveys, the median Indian worker earns 10,000 Rupees a month. The Economic Survey in 2024-2025 recorded average monthly earnings of 13,279 for self-employed workers, 20,702 for salaried workers, and 12,750 for casual laborers. Crucially, only the top 22% of the India’s labor force earns more than 15,000 Rupees per month.

Monthly household income distribution, rural vs urban India (2023-2024). Sources: Periodic Labor Force Surveys, Azim Premji University Income Distribution Study 2019-2024.

Statistically, the household we have taken for the reference is not a poor household by national standards. It is comfortably above the rural and urban median, sitting in the top fifth of the country, and this is what makes the rest of the story so troubling. If this household cannot afford a critical illness, almost no household outside the urban upper middle class can afford rising hospitalization costs.

The Insurance Gap

The government of India has expanded insurance schemes for low income households since 2018 via the Ayushman Bharat PM-JAY with 500,000 Rupees coverage. But the scheme which was set many years ago, does not match the current medical costs scenarios. Income eligibility is an another problem where a majority of people who earn in the middle, slip out of the government insurance schemes and have to take private insurance to cover their health risks. Health insurance penetration in India is low at 3.7% of GDP, well below global statistical standards of 7%.

Across much of India, a single critical illness can effectively destroy years of household income accumulation and trigger debt dependence. In the absence of stronger public healthcare delivery, and without deeper insurance penetration at affordable costs providing better claims services, and lacking robust risk sharing mechanisms – escalating medical costs could act as a drag on India’s economic growth trajectory by weakening household balance sheets.

Notes: 1 USD = 93.24 INR

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India Rupee 20260416

Progression Upwards for Indian Rupee and Catalysts

USD/INR Persistent Trajectory Remains in Force and Mid-Term Concerns

As of this writing the USD/INR is within the 93.2000 vicinity. The price of Gold is around $4,810.00 and Silver close to 79.50. Importantly, WTI Crude Oil is trading around $89.25. Global markets have turned in solid performances the past two weeks, this has been a two step progression for most investors. 

Indian financial institutions began to digest their worries regarding the Iranian war late in March – perhaps acknowledging the risks and ramifications, while adjusting outlooks. Then on Tuesday the 7th of April the establishment of a ceasefire was announced. However, after hitting a low of around the 92.2200 realm on the 8th of April, the USD/INR is back within higher ratios.

USD/INR Six Month Price Chart as of 16th April 2026

Yes, the USD/INR had been traversing above the 95.0000 ratio late in March, so it can be said the Indian Rupee has gotten stronger. Yet, there will not be many willing participants who will join a parade with the belief this lower trend can be sustained. The bullish trajectory of the USD/INR is not going to vanish.

On the 24th of October 2025, the USD/INR was near 87.7500. At this time last year the currency pair was close to 85.5000. A persistent and long-term move higher has been the theme in the USD/INR. Weakness in the Indian Rupee has been part of India’s economic story rather consistently for a handful of years. 

Narendra Modi has been in power since 2014, he is serving his third term as Prime Minister. His political party the BJP clearly has its chosen people within the Reserve Bank of India.

The government’s position of allowing the Indian Rupee to be weaker is not something they will want to state out loud as part of their mandate, but it is clearly not bothering them.

The pursuit of creating a stronger industrial and manufacturing base for India, including IT and software via good exchange rates for international clients is seen as a cornerstone to build demand. The quality of work and technology provided by the Indian workforce is good and this allows global clients to foster solid relationships with Indian companies.

However, the rise of the USD/INR to above the 95.0000 level in late March was a warning sign, that sometimes price velocity in Forex can become dangerous. And the Iranian war although enjoying a week and half of less noise, still could escalate into a problematic scenario for India that could cause additional concerns in Indian financial institutions who are trying to gauge their mid-term outlooks.

The USD/INR is an important part of this economic math and the prospect that higher energy costs, or in a worst case scenario – shortages incur hardship for Indian citizens and companies is an actual concern.

The current situation in the Hormuz Strait and availability of Crude Oil is significantly important for India. So is supply of LNG (liquefied natural gas) which Qatar, Oman and the UAE play a role. The supply of energy presents a glaring dark shadow for the prospects of the Indian economy should there be shortfalls. 

The 93.5000 resistance level has been durable since early April in the USD/INR. Stability of the exchange rate is crucial for a wide range of business in India, including banking and financial institutions active in the Bombay stock market – particularly since a weaker India Rupee opens the door to Forex concerns for foreign investors who do not have the ability to hedge if they are exposed via the INR too much. Foreign investors are needed in the Nifty indices to help values.

The near-term is likely going to remain a difficult path for the USD/INR and its outlook. The positive sentiment which has prevailed the past couple of weeks has been welcome and certainly stable conditions are hoped for so equilibrium can be kept. However, if the Iranian situation manifests into open military conflict again, or if there is a disruption of supply of energy that cannot be easily solved by India – then the USD/INR could once again face price velocity upwards that is uncomfortable.

While China may be getting the headlines regarding potential ramifications of its Crude Oil supply being threatened, India is estimated to have consumption that is ranked as the 3rd biggest globally. India’s ability to get a supply of energy from a diversified stable of sources is a key for the nation moving forward. 

The USD/INR will continue to move higher, the question is how fast? A slow steady rise in the currency pair – again, this will not be a spoken mandate by the Indian government – will continue. The fear of a rapid debasement is a concern. Financial institutions in India need steady emotions and are certainly hoping for the Iranian war to conclude with a sliver of optimism. 

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India Insider GDP Savings and Investment 20260408

India Insider: Education, GDP and Personalized Growth a Difficult Balancing Act

Is India Still 'The Country of the Future'?

In 1991, when India’s foreign exchange reserves had dwindled to barely three weeks of import cover, the government pledged its gold to the Bank of England. It was a moment of humiliation and, paradoxically, of liberation as the crisis forced an opening that three decades of socialist planning had resisted. Fast forward into 2025: India is a $4.1 trillion USD economy, the world’s most populous nation, with a moon rover, a thriving startup ecosystem, and a digital payments infrastructure the developed world now studies with envy.

This article asks if India is still ‘the country of the future’ using the same growth determinants framework applied by Professor Manoel Bittencourt to Brazil, and argues that the answer lies not primarily in corruption (though it matters), not in policy failure (though that matters too), but in two structural features that resist easy reform: the vast informality of the Indian economy, and the depth of its inequality.

Does Growth Matter? The 70/g Rule Applied to India

Before diagnosing India’s problems, we must appreciate what it has already achieved. Using the 70/g rule which tells us how many years it takes for income per capita to double at a given growth rate – India’s average GDP growth of roughly 6.5% since 1991 implies a doubling of income every 11 years. That is extraordinary by historical standards.

But averages mask distributions. If growth accrues predominantly to the formal sector – the top 10% of earners who hold formal employment, own financial assets, and participate in the organized economy, then the 70/g rule tells a story of elite enrichment, not a broad based development. This is India’s core dilemma.

The Eight Growth Determinants: India in the Data

Bittencourt’s framework identifies eight standard growth determinants: savings, fertility, rule of law, government consumption, trade openness, education and health investment, inflation, and finance. Let us examine some of each through Indian data, with Brazil as our comparator.

Savings & Investment

India’s gross savings rate has historically been a strength hovering around 30–32% of GDP through the 2000s and 2010s. But the investment picture is more troubled. Fixed capital formation has declined since its peak around 2011–12, driven by a stressed banking sector, weak private investment appetite, and an infrastructure gap. Brazil shows a similar pattern of savings-investment divergence  but India’s gap has widened more sharply in recent years.

Gross Domestic Savings and Fixed Capital Formation. India vs Brazil. 2000-2023

Education & Health Spending

Perhaps nowhere is India’s “policy-delivery gap” more apparent than in social spending. India spends approximately 4.5% of GDP on education and just over 3% on health, and both figures are well below what comparable middle income countries invest. Brazil, despite its own fiscal struggles, consistently outspends India on health as a share of GDP. The consequences are visible in learning outcomes: the Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) consistently finds that a significant share of Indian schoolchildren cannot read a simple paragraph or perform basic arithmetic.

This matters enormously for growth. An economy hoping to absorb millions of workers into formal, productive employment each year needs those workers to arrive with usable skills. When they do not, informal low productivity employment becomes the default  and cycles of informality perpetuate.

Government Spending on Human Capital. India vs Brazil. 2000-2023

The Thesis: Informality as Structural Trap

Bittencourt identified corruption as the growth killer in Brazil. For India, the more precise diagnosis is informality and the inequality it both reflects and reinforces.

Consider the arithmetic: approximately 80% of India’s workforce is informally employed who are working without contracts, without social protection, without access to formal credit, and largely invisible to the tax system. This informal mass produces perhaps 50% of GDP. The productivity gap between the formal and informal sectors is staggering, and it does not shrink naturally with overall growth.

Share of Workforce in Formal Employment. India vs Brazil. 2000-2023

Brazil is itself a country with significant informality, but its formal sector share has grown meaningfully since the early 2000s, driven by the expansion of the Bolsa Família program, minimum wage policies, and labor formalization drives. India, by contrast, saw its already small formal sector shrink as a share of total employment after demonetization in 2016 and the disruptions of COVID-19. The gap between the two countries on this metric is instructive.

Inequality: When Growth Passes People By

India’s Gini coefficient – a standard measure of income inequality – has risen over the reform era even as aggregate poverty has fallen.  It shows the signature of unequal growth. The bottom quartile has seen real income gains, but the top decile has captured a disproportionate share of the growth dividend. Recent estimates suggest that India’s top 1% now hold a larger share of national income than at any point since Independence.

Income Distribution India vs. Brazil.

Compare this to Brazil, which, despite its own severe inequality, pursued deliberate redistributive policies through the 2000s with Bolsa Família reaching 14 million families at its peak and a concerted minimum wage policy. India’s equivalents – the MNREGA rural employment guarantee, PM-Kisan farm payments are larger in coverage but smaller in benefit size at this stage, and reach informal workers imperfectly.

The Structural Complications

A purely data driven analysis, as Bittencourt himself acknowledged for Brazil, understates the depth of the challenge. India’s informality is not simply a policy failure, it is rooted in structures that predate modern economics.

The caste system, legally prohibited but still socially persistent, has historically sorted populations into occupational roles and those at the bottom of the hierarchy were systematically excluded from property ownership, formal education, and credit. Colonial de-industrialization destroyed the artisan economy that might otherwise have been a pathway to formal employment. The fragmentation of the federal system with 28 states running effectively different labor markets, land acquisition regimes, and social programs means that a policy that works in Tamil Nadu may fail in Uttar Pradesh.

These are not excuses. They are explanatory variables that any honest growth analysis must include.

What Does Growth Theory Tell Us to Do?

The prescription is not mysterious. If informality is the barrier, then the priority is to make formal employment more accessible through labor law simplification, portable social insurance that follows the worker rather than the employer, and a genuine skill based learning infrastructure that reaches the rural poor.

If inequality is the barrier, then the priority is redistribution that enhances human capital at the bottom – not cash transfers alone, but the quality of the school your child attends and the clinic your mother can access. India has the architecture of such systems; it does not yet have substantive results.

The demonstrators on India’s streets – whether farmers in 2020-21, or youth protesting paper leaks, or contract workers demanding permanence – know this intuitively. They are not asking for charity. They are asking to be absorbed into the formal economy that has prospered around them.

Conclusion: Is India Still the ‘Country of the Future’?

The answer to the question is Yes, and it is both an achievement and an indictment. India has built a moon program and yet cannot reliably staff a primary school. It has produced the world’s most used digital payments system and left 200 million people without bank accounts until recently. It exports software engineers to Silicon Valley, while its domestic labor market cannot absorb graduates at scale.

Brazil, our comparison, has struggled with its own version of this duality longer. But Brazil’s welfare state, however fiscally stressed has created a floor. India’s floor is thinner, and the drop beneath it steeper.

Informality is not the destiny for any developing economy. South Korea was deeply informal in the 1960s, China was an overwhelmingly rural agrarian nation in 1980. Both made transitions through deliberate, state led investment in human capital and formal employment creation. The path is known. The question for India in 2026 is whether the political will exists to progress via focused programs, or whether fifty years from now someone else will write another article illuminating the same structural problems.

Article Notes:

Data sources include the World Bank World Development Indicators, ILO Labour Statistics, Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, ASER Centre (India), UNESCO Institute for Statistics, and IMF World Economic Outlook. Growth determinant categories follow Barro (2008) as synthesized by Bittencourt.

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Indian Diaspora 20260325

India Insider: Why the Gulf Remains a Vital Economic Lifeboat

Indian Expat Labour and Recalibration Realities

The skyline of Dubai, once a symbol of untouchable prosperity, now sits under a shadow of regional recalibration. As Reuters recently noted, Dubai has successfully transitioned to a non-oil economy, with oil accounting for less than 2% of its GDP. It is now a powerhouse of trade, high-end real estate, and financial services. 

However, its “backyard” – the Strait of Hormuz – remains a strategic bottleneck. With 20% of global seaborne crude passing through this narrow vein, the recent tensions in March 2026 have forced a shift in perception: the Gulf is no longer an insulated sanctuary, including Dubai where millions of Indians work and earn for their families in India.

Indian Diaspora Gulf Representation

The scale of this “labour export” is enormous. As of early 2026, approximately 9.5 to 10 million Indians live and work across the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) countries. To put that in perspective, that is nearly the entire population of a country like the UAE, made up solely of Indian expats.

A Remittance Driven Economy

As per Government data sources, India remains the world’s top remittance recipient, with total inflows hitting a record $135.4 billion in the last fiscal year. And despite a rise in high-skilled migration to the US and UK, the GCC remains a juggernaut, contributing roughly 38% of India’s total remittances.

For states like Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Maharashtra, which receive nearly 50% of these total inflows, it is a macroeconomic stabilizer that funds the current account deficit and keeps the Rupee from a freefall.

India’s Labour Market Paradox

But here is the real question, if people return to India due to the crisis in the Middle East, are there any “good quality” jobs waiting for them in India? The honest answer is no.

Youth unemployment remains elevated, particularly among graduates. Engineers in mechanical and construction fields face limited opportunities. Outside IT, and to some extent automobiles, there are not enough stable, high-paying jobs.

So people adjust. You will find postgraduates working in delivery jobs and informal sectors. I have personally spoken to Amazon delivery workers who told me they hold M.A degrees, or that they had worked in Dubai or Singapore before Covid and are now trying to leave again. This is becoming norm nowadays.

Indian National Wages and Savings Compared to Expat GCC Averages

In many towns in India, migration itself has become an economic model. People move to Singapore, Malaysia, or the Gulf, and the money they send back drives real estate, consumption, and local business activity. In many such regions, the labour market feels tight, not because jobs are available, but because the workforce has already left.

The wage gap explains everything. A nurse or lab technician in India may earn ₹15,000–₹20,000 per month. The same person can earn close to ₹80,000 in the Gulf. A private school teacher in Villupuram city in Tamil Nadu state earns around ₹8,000.

While nominal wages are  2–2.5x higher in GCC, the true driver of migration is savings arbitrage , which can be 5–6x higher.

This reflects structural differences in labour productivity and capital intensity.

India has a large pool of educated labour. But instead of becoming an advantage, it has turned into a wage suppressing force. There is always someone willing to work for less. As a result, wages remain low and bargaining power stays weak.

Percent of India’s Remittances From The GCC

At the same time, we are told growth is strong. Yes, the labour force participation is rising, but inequality is also increasing. A large share of employment remains informal and unstable. Inflation continues to erode purchasing power, and disposable incomes remain under pressure.

Right now, for many Indians, prosperous conditions are easier to find outside the country. Yes, the Gulf has risks. However, geopolitical tensions will come and go, and these are short-term disruptions.

Structurally, GCC economies will stabilize and grow again, and when they do, the flow of Indian labour will continue to pursue these opportunities. Because until India creates enough high-quality jobs at scale, migration will not slow down.

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Slomowitz 20260307

End of Defeatism and a Return to Victory

The Iran War Brings a new Strategy Against Tyrants

Opinion: The following article is commentary and its views are solely those of the author. This article was first published the 8th of March via The Angry Demagogue.

We are witnessing not the end of some amorphous “rules-based international order”, but the end of defeatism and a return to victory.

The defeatist attitude amongst the talking heads regarding the Iran war stems from an inability to imagine victory. For the West, as a friend pointed out, victory has been absent from the vocabulary of war since the end of WWII. The “there is no military solution to the problem” crowd can’t imagine that force is sometimes not only necessary but is the only way to move forward. Giving up on diplomacy does not mean that force will attain the compromises that diplomacy looks for but rather attain the victory that diplomacy can never gain.

This is why the NY Times headline is “In War’s First Week, a Punishing Military Campaign with No Coherent Endgame” while the Wall Street Journal decided that the main story of the day is “Dread and paranoia spread across a 1,000-year-old city” – Teheran. The Financial Times quotes one of America’s foremost defeatists, Richard Haass – “America chose this war — and must now choose how to end it”. These are just small samples of the panic that encrusts the progressive mind when someone stands up to terrorists and tyrants with military force. For the defeatist, the “endgame” can never be victory and the deposing of an illegitimate, tyrannical and genocidal regime.

This is the hope of the tyrants worldwide and they have basically been correct in their assessment of western behavior. The so-called “rules-based international order” is not liberal in any sense of the word but a recipe for the spread of cruelty. This so-called “order” not only tolerated the disorder that tyrants and terrorists have brought for the past 70 years it has funded them, too. In South America, from Maoist terrorists in Peru to the Cuban and Venezuelan kleptocracies, they always knew there would be a chance to “negotiate”. Russia’s Putin was allowed to destroy Chechnya and occupy the Crimea, supported by European thirst for their oil and gas and American desires for a piece of the pie. In the middle east, Yassir Arafat’s Palestinian Authority and later Hamas were given billions of dollars by the United States and Western Europe in spite of their clear and present danger to the West by their spread of terror. Hezbollah and Iran run drugs throughout the world, engage in human trafficking and money laundering all to bring disorder and upset the national governments that support them by purchasing their oil and simply giving them planeloads of cash.

Off ramps are needed when victory is not possible but that is not the case regarding Iran. Imbecilic questions that the press likes to ask like “will you commit ground troops?” trying to trick the leaders of the free countries into showing their hand, are just part of the defeatist culture that has occupied the minds of the chattering classes since the French Revolution. That attitude was fine tuned in Vietnam when defeat was the preferred option and victory deemed immoral. The “end of diplomacy” in this and many other cases is not only the moral option it is the correct strategic option. The WSJ thinks there is no connection between an American victory in this and other theatres and the deterrence of China. The ignorant headline that the WSJ news section has today (one of many since the start of this war) “America’s Military Is Focused on Iran. Its Biggest Challenge Is China” cannot imagine that victory – absolute, total victory – is the greatest diplomatic weapon one can have when dealing with a country the size and strength of China.

A history professor once told me that the reason why diplomats hate war is because it means they have failed but the West has upped the ante on that failure by always insisting on a diplomatic (read: defeatist) end to whatever military action is or is about to take place. Diplomacy might be a necessary end to some conflicts but not to one that one is winning. Any description of the current war as a “quagmire” is bad faith reporting at best, traitorous propaganda at worst.

As we have stated here in the past, predicting President Trump is a fool’s game but it is also a fool’s game to assume this administration thinks in the same defeatist terms that has been the essence of the Western “rules-based international order” for the past half century and more. The same is true regarding Israel’s attitude towards this war. Israel too, has been caught up in the same defeatist attitude as it took the word “victory” out of the goals of the IDF. “Managing crises” is what brought us to October 7 as the IDF General Staff pre-October 7 were mediocrities who gained their positions for political reasons and because they “checked-off” two year stints in various jobs in the military.

Netanyahu was part of that defeatist attitude and that is why people still doubt his ability to see this through to the end. But he now has a military that is determined to win and we all hope he, under encouragement from the US administration, will follow suit. The headline that purposely plays to the anti-semitic woke and Tuckerist followers “Netanyahu Finally Got What He Wanted on Iran by Appealing to an Audience of One” misses the whole point – this is as much Trump’s pressure on Netanyahu as Netanyahu’s on Trump.

This is more than “whatever is good for Trump must be bad”. This is a failure of imagination by a large group of modern day “influencers” (yes, the so-called journalists reporting on the war are no better than Instagram and Tick Tock influencers) who can’t fathom what victory looks like and who believe that a military victory of any sort is one that is, by definition, immoral. The failure of diplomacy is not a failure of morality. Rather it is a realization that the moral way requires military force. The off ramp and the end-game is victory, plain and simple. The fact that some can’t imagine what that looks like does not mean it is not within reach.

The flip side of this of course is that the enemies of the west have an inability to admit defeat. This comes from the fact that the west seems to enjoy surrender in the name of diplomacy so these enemies can always count on the west playing the short game and demanding a return to negotiations. That is why these negotiations failed so miserably. The enemies of the west don’t seem to realize that things have changed and that the Starmer-Macron-Obama defeatist wing of the West is no longer making the decisions.

Contra all the defeatist headlines and analyses, the idea that the off ramp and endgame is now “victory” might actually deter the next tyrant and allow future negotiations to succeed.

Disclaimer: the views expressed in this opinion article are solely those of the author, and not necessarily the opinions reflected by angrymetatraders.com or its associated parties.

You can follow Ira Slomowitz via The Angry Demagogue on Substack https://iraslomowitz.substack.com/ 

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WTI Crude Oil 20260309

Fear Factor High in Oil Markets and Outlook is King

WTI Crude Oil Trading in a Storm (War)

Writing from within the storm, it would be easy to feel a strong sense of nervousness as the newest Middle East War rages. However, this is unlikely the beginning of World War 3. Traders looking at WTI Crude Oil this morning have seen the commodity launch over $110.00. But the price has seen a slight dip and is now hovering above $105.00 in albeit fast conditions.

WTI Crude Oil Three Month Chart on 9th March 2026

Behavioral sentiment is nervous, there is no disregarding that notion and taking it seriously. Iran has been firing missiles and drones at neighbors and Saudi Arabia has been effected via some of their oil production. The Strait of Hormuz is certainly seeing an escalation in tension and is threatening to become a sea battle.

However, while the price of WTI Crude Oil rocks higher and day traders either make or lose money fast, speculators wager on short and near-term notions, there is likely a group of folks taking another approach and watching cash prices compared to options.

Yes, the intra-day price of WTI Crude Oil and all other energy sources will remain volatile near-term, but those with a mid and long-term outlook may be betting on optimism and the belief an end game will produce calmer prices. 

WTI Crude Oil is up close to 40% percent when a mid-term perspective is used. Will the commodity remain above 100.00 USD six months from now? Will WTI Crude Oil be above $100.00 three months from now or even one?

This thinking may deliver some type of price resistance in WTI Crude Oil. Certainly, there is a chance of greater escalation. But even though it was widely reported that oil facilities in Iran were bombed this weekend by Israel, the terminals hit were on the outskirts of Teheran, not on the island of Kharg. As dangerous as the war has become and the potential of worse damage occurring, those who are striking Iran do not want to damage Kharg terminals – at least not yet.

As for endgame, Russian oil is being allowed to be sold more easily, sanctions have been relaxed. Thus, it can be said there are international efforts to fight against price spikes. There are concerns about higher oil prices causing bedlam via inflation for the global economy rightfully. However, at some juncture things will eventually calm down. And that is what day traders need to keep in mind as WTI Crude Oil has raced higher, the notion that tactically the Iranian war will reach a de-escalation period is reasonable. 

Yes, there is a threat that Iran plays the an ‘Armageddon’ card and tries to destroy all vital energy resources in the Middle East, but we have likely passed that stage. Iran in many respects, respectfully, has been declawed. Iran can threaten, but can it really bite at this point? The island of Kharg is a key barometer, its facilities remain mostly kept out of the destruction zone, WTI Crude Oil may not spike too much higher.

As for highs, this morning’s jump occurred on fear, however the price has started to calm. We could certainly still see higher values in WTI Crude Oil this week or next, but thoughts about the potential of an end game resolving the current dangers, whatever that may be and no matter how long it will take – may prove to be an important ointment.  Time shall tell.

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Outflows 20250220a

India Insider: Macro Stress a Capital Flow Problem, Not a Trade One

India Insider: Macro Stress a Capital Flow Problem, Not a Trade One

Editor’s note: This article was originally written in January 2026. It has been updated to incorporate developments through February 2026, including the U.S – India interim trade agreement and subsequent capital flow data.

India is currently experiencing what can best be described as macro stress. By macro stress, we mean pressure across the broader economy that shows up simultaneously in the currency, financial markets, and capital flows, rather than a problem limited to one sector or company. In India’s case, this stress is visible in a weak rupee, persistent foreign investor outflows, and rising concerns about equity valuations.

This stress is often misinterpreted as a trade or export problem. In reality, the pressure on the Rupee and the growing fragility in equity markets stem primarily from the capital account, not from collapsing exports or remittances. Even as the U.S Dollar softens – helped by Federal Reserve rate cuts and renewed trade tensions under U.S President Donald Trump, India continues to struggle to attract foreign capital, exposing a deeper structural imbalance.

Source: NSDL (FPI Equity Flows): Reuters and author’s calculations.

Recent weakness in the USD would normally support emerging market currencies and risk assets. This time, however, the response across emerging markets has been uneven. Capital has flowed toward economies linked to artificial intelligence, semiconductors, and commodities, as well as toward markets where valuations have already adjusted. South Korea, Hong Kong, Chile, and South Africa have all benefited from this rotation. India has not.

The Rupee’s weakness reflects this divergence. USD/INR continues to trade around ₹91.5–91.6 despite the absence of a sharp deterioration in India’s trade fundamentals. Services exports, particularly IT services, remain resilient, and remittances continue to provide a steady source of foreign exchange. This brings us to the current account.

The current account represents a country’s net trade balance with the rest of the world, including goods, services, and remittances. India runs a current account deficit, meaning it imports more than it exports. While this deficit persists, it is manageable at present, supported by stable services exports and remittance inflows.

The real problem lies in the capital account, which tracks investment flows such as foreign investors buying or selling Indian equities and bonds. When foreign capital flows into the country, it helps finance the current account deficit. When it flows out, pressure builds quickly on the currency and financial markets.

Foreign capital is neither entering India in sufficient scale, nor remaining invested. Portfolio outflows have become persistent, and this has emerged as the dominant driver of currency pressure. In calendar year 2025, foreign portfolio investors sold approximately USD 19–20 billion worth of Indian equities, marking one of the largest annual equity outflow episodes in recent years. Importantly, this selling has been sustained rather than episodic, pointing to a structural reassessment of India’s growth outlook and valuation premium rather than a temporary risk off shock.

Crucially, this capital flight is not the result of a collapse in exports to the United States. Despite tariff concerns, the U.S remains India’s largest export destination. Between April and December 2025, Indian exports to the U.S rose to roughly $65–68 billion, compared with $60–63 billion during the same period last year. Trade flows, for now, are holding up better than sentiment suggests.

The effects of capital account stress are most visible in financial markets. Indian equities are failing to attract foreign inflows as growth momentum weakens. Market leadership has narrowed, with headline indices supported by a small group of large-cap stocks, while consumption-sensitive sectors such as FMCG remain under pressure.

This dynamic fits squarely within the balance of payments framework described by Professor Michael Pettis. He described, “a country cannot sustainably run a current account deficit without stable capital inflows. When capital inflows weaken, the adjustment shows up through a weaker currency, tighter financial conditions, and pressure on asset prices.”

Indian equities now trade at some of the highest valuation multiples globally, supported largely by domestic retail and mutual fund flows. However, domestic capital is structurally constrained, while global investors can freely reallocate. As Bloomberg’s Andy Mukherjee recently noted, Indian cement stocks now trade at higher valuations than Hong Kong Tech stocks showing the exuberance of Domestic equity capital chasing local themes.

At a deeper level, India’s vulnerability reflects a structural imbalance between savings and investment. Domestic savings are insufficient relative to the economy’s long term investment needs, and the financial system lacks the institutional capacity to consistently channel savings into productivity enhancing investment. As a result, growth has become increasingly dependent on mobile foreign capital – capital that is cyclical, return sensitive, and easily reversible. It is this dependence, more than any near term trade shock, that leaves the Indian rupee vulnerable when global capital flows turn cautious.

Update: The US–India Interim Trade Agreement (February 2026)

Since this article was first written, a significant development has reshaped the near-term outlook. In early February 2026, the United States and India reached an interim trade agreement. As part of the deal, the US lowered its reciprocal tariff on Indian goods from 25% to 18%. President Trump also signed a separate executive order removing an additional punitive 25% tariff that had been imposed as a penalty for India’s purchases of Russian oil, meaning the effective tariff burden on Indian exports had, at its peak, approached 50% before being brought down to 18%.

The announcement acted as an immediate sentiment catalyst. The rupee, which had been trading in the ₹91.5–92 range under stress conditions, strengthened on the news, touching ₹90.30 before settling near ₹90.70. Foreign portfolio investors, who had spent most of 2025 as relentless net sellers, turned net buyers in the first week of February 2026, purchasing approximately $897 million worth of Indian equities.

These are meaningful moves. After 18 months of persistent underperformance relative to other emerging markets, India’s excessive valuation premium has moderated toward historical averages, which may create better entry points for global capital going forward.

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postN104

India Insider: Weakening the MNREGA Employment Guarantees

India Insider: Weakening the MNREGA Employment Guarantees

When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act was enacted in 2005, it was conceived as more than a poverty-alleviation program. It was a direct intervention in India’s rural labor market. By guaranteeing employment on demand at a statutory wage, MNREGA established what the agrarian economy had long lacked – a credible wage floor.

For India, where nearly half the workforce remains trapped in agriculture and align activities often involuntarily, this mattered enormously. Rural labor markets are structurally weak in India. They are seasonal, informal, and dominated by excess labor. In such conditions, wages do not rise organically. MNREGA altered that balance by providing an outside option. A worker who could demand public employment could also refuse exploitative private wages. That is why rural real wages rose meaningfully during the first decade of MNREGA’s implementation.

MNREGA Rural Poverty Data from 2005 to 2018

The figure above illustrates the broader context in which MNREGA operated. Rural poverty declined sharply after 2005, falling from over 40 per cent in the mid 2000s to below 20 per cent by the late 2010s. While this decline reflects multiple forces like overall growth, structural change, and social programs, micro-level studies consistently find that districts and households with higher exposure to MNREGA experienced significantly larger gains in consumption and poverty reduction compared to areas where the program was weakly implemented.

The scheme also acted as a counter cyclical stabilizer. During droughts, agrarian distress, or macro slowdowns, MNREGA expanded automatically, injecting purchasing power into rural areas. This supported consumption, reduced distress migration, and softened downturns. In macroeconomic terms, MNREGA transferred income to households with the highest marginal propensity to consume, precisely where fiscal multipliers are strongest.

Despite its strong design, MNREGA has long suffered from implementation weaknesses. Chronic delays in wage payments undermined its credibility as a reliable source of income. Corruption has generated fake muster rolls, ghost workers, inflated material bills, and substandard asset creation. Social audits which meant to be the backbone of accountability were uneven across states while effective in some.

Technological reforms such as Aadhaar linked payments, and digital attendance reduced certain leakages but introduced new problems, including worker exclusion, authentication failures, and further payment delays. The result was not only fiscal leakage, but a weakening of MNREGA’s core economic function which had promised a dependable wage floor.

Yet instead of fixing these implementation failures, a new policy chose to change the promise itself. In December 2025, this shift became explicit with the passage of the VB-G RAM G Act, 2025 in Parliament, replacing the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act with a redesigned rural jobs framework.

Under MNREGA, employment was a legal right, if work was demanded, it had to be provided. The new framework reverses this logic altogether. Employment now depends on budget limits, administrative approvals, and notifications from the center, not on demand. What was once automatic is now conditional.

This change also quietly shifts risk onto States. With limited revenue powers and tight borrowing limits, States responded by rationing work and delaying payments. As a result, the employment guarantee weakens, rural workers lose bargaining power, and wages come under pressure. What appears as fiscal control for the central government to rein on capital expenditures on paper thus becomes wage suppression in practice for rural workers.

Almost half of India’s workforce, around 46 per cent, still depends on agriculture and allied rural activities for employment, even though agriculture produces a much smaller share of the country’s total output. This gap between employment and output signals very low productivity in rural work and a large pool of surplus labor. For most of these workers, moving out of agriculture is difficult. They face barriers because of a lack of skills, weak urban job absorption, high migration costs, and social constraints. As a result, the ability to bargain for higher wages is structurally limited.

In such an economy, rural labor markets tend not to be competitive. Employers often face many workers competing for few jobs, while workers have few alternative sources of income. This creates conditions close to monopsony, where employers have disproportionate power in setting wages. In the absence of an institutional counterweight, wages tend to settle near subsistence levels rather than reflecting productivity or broader economic growth.

The consequences are visible in wage outcomes. Daily wages in rural areas stagnate or decline in real terms, failing to keep pace with inflation. Over time, this suppresses labor incomes relative to profits and rents, leading to a further decline in labor’s share of national income. In effect, weakening the employment guarantee shifts income distribution away from workers and back toward employers, reinforcing existing structural inequalities in the economy.

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postN73

U.S National Security, Part 2: Regional Alliances – Europe

U.S National Security, Part 2: Regional Alliances - Europe

Opinion: The following article is commentary and its views are solely those of the author. This article was first published the 25th of December via The Angry Demagogue.

As we continue our tour of the administration’s National Security Strategy we will stay with “part III: What Are America’s Available Means to Get What We Want?” and move to the sixth bullet point: “A broad network of alliances, with treaty allies and partners in the world’s most strategically important regions” and work through the important regions that the strategy documents – Asia, Europe, the Mideast and Africa. For good or for bad we will need to split these regions up since the key point is forming coalitions that can handle their actual region. Sweden can’t be part of a coalition to protect Italy’s interests in the Mediterranean and Japan won’t be protecting Singapore.

Some U.S allied countries, like Australia, Israel and India will be involved in multiple regions helping lead alliances in all areas important to them. With that in mind we will point out the first mistake of the discussion on regions and that is Europe. We will suggest something here that would not usually come from the mouth of a hawk and pessimist and that is that NATO has no real mission and needs to be replaced by a series of alliances that make more sense. While the fear during the Cold War was a Warsaw Pact ground invasion into Germany and beyond which would have required the totality of American and European forces, Europe now is facing a Russia that could not conquer Ukraine in nearly four years of war. That is not to say that Russia is not to be feared only that each part of Europe needs to ally to face a Russian onslaught in its own theatre.

Italy is not going to send troops to Sweden to prevent an attack and Norway won’t be helping Greece in any fight. Turkey is a country that other NATO countries fear more than trust, especially regarding Russia.

In short, NATO needs to be broken up into different alliances where each country will be allied with countries whose fall would affect its national security. The United States can either be a signatory to these alliances or it can decide how involved it wants to get in any conflagration depending on its own interests at that time. It can decide to position ground troops in the countries, supply air cover or, as in the 12-day war between Israel and Iran, help with missile defense and in providing the final blow with weapons only America has. Or – it can decide that it will never participate. One hopes that that won’t happen, but each alliance will need to be ready to fight on its own.

We can include France and the U.K as large countries with advanced armed forces as allies to all of these alliances. France certainly can contribute air power to each of the alliances that are faced against Russia. As for the U.K, it is difficult to know where that country is going but its navy and air force are still powerful.

Today we will deal with north, central and western Europe.

The Baltic Alliance

This would be an alliance that includes Poland, Germany, Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and would provide cover for land, air and naval battles. Each of these countries, with the exception of Germany, has a border with Russia and all are on the Baltic Sea – a key waterway for them and for Russia.

An alliance of these countries would force them to concentrate on those areas necessary for their defense. An incursion, for example into Finland would force Poland to mass forces on its border with Russia and Belarus (Poland borders Russia in Kaliningrad which is separated from Russia proper by Lithuania) and Germany to move forces to Poland. All countries could also contribute ground forces to Finland as well as naval and air power.

The only thing missing is the lack of a nuclear umbrella. That is no small issue but can be dealt with by support or threats from France or the U.K.

The Atlantic Alliance

Aside from helping the Baltic Alliance, France and the U.K will have major responsibility along with the Netherlands for patrolling the North Atlantic and, with help from Portugal, and Spain the South Atlantic. As the Atlantic Ocean can be considered one of America’s seas, this alliance will need to have the close cooperation if not outright membership of the United States. Canada too, will need to be part of this alliance. We can include the increasingly important Arctic Ocean into this alliance’s responsibilities.

As we move towards the south Atlantic countries such as Morocco, can be included as well as other western African allies of the west. An alliance like that could encourage western African countries to abandon close security and economic ties with China and Russia. The “border” of this alliance would be that squiggly line in the middle of the Atlantic that separates the Eastern and Western hemispheres.

The Central European Alliance

We can look at the smaller central European countries that formed the heart of what was the Hapsburg Empire but are not front line countries bordering Russia – Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Austria, Serbia and Bulgaria – and we have an alliance that, backed by Germany, Poland and the United States, would create a further deterrence to Russian encroachment into Europe proper.

Where, do you ask does Ukraine fall in this European alliance structure? That answer will have to come from the major European powers in concert with the United States. Adding Ukraine to the Baltic alliance might be viewed as another attempt to NATO-ize them by the Russians. However, attaching them to the less threatening Central European Alliance of smaller countries might be the excuse and “victory” that Putin would need to end the war. But we are getting ahead of ourselves here. Ukraine is a problem that can only be solved if the West decides to actively join the fight against Russia (unlikely) or when Putin and Russia get tired of the fight and look for a way out that could allow them to claim victory (more likely than the former, but sadly, a long way off).

The Administration’s concentration on regions and how certain countries can become leaders in support of western and American interests is correct – but the breakdown of the regions has to go beyond the post WWII world. The place of America in the post-cold war world, with a China that wants to challenge America’s economic and military interests and leadership needs to break down old alliances into more manageable and logical pieces.

The wild card in all of this is, of course, the will of the European powers to take their own defense seriously. The Baltic Alliance we spoke about seems to be filled with countries that understand the threat from Russia, but do they recognize the threat to them from the alignment, the Axis if you will, of Russia, Iran, North Korea and China? And of more importance have they yet come to understand the threat to their countries, as they know them, from open immigration and from their own abhorrence of families? The former is something only the governments can handle, the latter though, must come from the people themselves.

A whole generation (or two in many instances) of Europeans have grown up not only as “only children” but in families that have no aunts and no uncles, no cousins and only very elderly grandparents, if that. They have grown up in other words without families. Will the young generation see the importance of families to themselves and their countries or will they continue the nihilistic lives that they parents have “sanctified”? Religious institutions, too will have a major role in this challenge. No amount of “parental leave” and childcare subsidies will convince the young to marry and have children – will only come from a change in the culture. Is Europe up to it?

Disclaimer: the views expressed in this opinion article are solely those of the author, and not necessarily the opinions reflected by angrymetatraders.com or its associated parties.

You can follow Ira Slomowitz via The Angry Demagogue on Substack https://iraslomowitz.substack.com/